The 5 Technologies That Changed My Life Essay Example for Free

The 5 Technologies That Changed My Life Essay I thought it would be interesting to kick off a series where each of our columnists would share the top 5 technologies that changed and profoundly impacted our lives, along with the reasons why. Technology has shaped and is shaping many different generations in different ways and will continue to do so for long periods of time. I know I always enjoy listening to others tell stories about the products that truly impacted them for the better and some of the reasons why. So here are the ones that shaped my life up to this point. That’s right the very first EPIC NES. It was 1985 when the NES came into my house. I was instantly the coolest kid on the entire block. My father being one of the first analysts in the computer industry developed a good relationship with Nintendo so he got to bring one of the first units home. Many of you can relate to your first gaming experience, whether it be with the Commodore, Atari, NES or even the Playstation or XBOX. It was mesmerizing, captivating and seriously addicting. I couldn’t get enough, the escape that video games presents or more immersive and emotional that books or movies could ever be, for me at least. It also most likely contributed to my ADD. Now with the addition of things like Kinect and the Wii, families are getting together and playing immersive games together. For me it all started with the original NES. IBM PS/2 DIR/W. Ah the memories of DOS. The PS/2 was the first computer I remember using at length. We had many others before it in our home but I simply don’t remember them as well. I learned to use DOS on the PS/2 which instantly made me the go to for tech support in computer lab in the 5th grade. Computers and computing are a big part of many of our lives. I highlight this one because it was the one I spent the most time with at a young age and the one much of my computing foundation was grounded on. I had a difficult time choosing between the iPaq and the first Palm Pilot. I was at the Palm Pilot launch event when Jeff Hawkins first publicly demonstrated the device. In fact my dad took me out of school to attend the event because he knew how significant it would be for the industry. I remember thinking at the time how groundbreaking this pocket computer was. The primary reason I chose the iPaq over the Palm Pilot was because of the Metricom wireless card adapter sleeve. Although the original Palm Pilot represented a vision for a true pocket computer, the iPaq with the Metricom Ricochet Wireless card brought me the Internet in my pocket for the fist time and that was what gave me my inflection point. Now you may be wondering why I chose this device over a smartphone or cellphone of some kind. The reason was because this particularly product, tied to the Metricom broadband service, provided the basis for my smartphone experience. Because I was highly familiar and comfortable with a pocket computer experience, I didn’t have the same profound â€Å"aha† moments many did with their first smartphones because the iPaq had provided the fundamental experience of apps and the internet in your pocket. Being an early adopter I bought my first HDTV the second I could possibly afford one which was in 2003. That was also the year my first daughter was born, so I positioned it as a birthday present for her, which obviously no one believed. I remember the first time I saw an HD picture on this beast. I nearly cried. I stared at it for hours and watched the most random things simply because HD content was limited and I just wanted to watch HD shows. I remember telling my wife it was like looking out a window or like actually being at the football or baseball game. She didn’t think so but I did and that was all that mattered. I chose the iPad for a number of reasons. Mainly because in the 13+ years I have been working in the technology industry I always dreamed of a product like this (a no compromise tablet) and this was the first to deliver. I used nearly every pen computing tablet that came to market in a variety of shapes and sizes prior to the iPad. Yes, there are a number of good tablets on the market and they will all continue to get better but for me the iPad brought touch computing to the mass market and is still the cream of the crop in my opinion. Arguably touch computing started with the iPhone but a small pocketable screen is only capable of some elements of touch computing where the iPad represents a much more holistic touch computing platform and has cast a vision of where touch computing will go with future innovations. So those are my 5 defining experiences with technology. More Tech.pinions columnists will share theirs and why and as always we would love to hear from our fantastic community with your comments.

History Of Police Interviewing In England And Wales Criminology Essay

History Of Police Interviewing In England And Wales Criminology Essay CHAPTER 1- Interviewing suspects and witnesses is a basic operation of policing all over the world. In England and Wales, pre PACE, historically there was no formal interview training for police officers and officers learnt how to interview through observation of other police officers. Thus, the best evidence of guilt was confessions and theoretically good interviewers were those who could convince suspects to confess to crimes. Police interviews prior 1984 were governed by Judges Rules, these were just guidelines for the officers who they were allowed to execute interviews unrecorded and then to write a report of the interview from memory. Afterwards, officers memory of the interview was presented in court from the handwriting report. The dangers of this are self-evident officers can pick up bad practises or miss valuable information. Eventually investigations can be damaged, disrupted or even destroyed. The secrecy of the police interview room led to widespread concern about the tactics used to extract confessions things like intimidation, oppression, deception, and even physical violence (Leo, 1992). It has been shown that these tactics can lead to false confessions, in which case a double miscarriage of justice occurs not only is an innocent person convicted but the true offender remains free (Gudjonsson, 1992). The aim of this chapter is to discuss the old investigative interviewing which led to miscarriages of justice. Also, what was happening to police interviewing, why false confessions were frequent phenomenon and what types of false confessions exist. An important theme is public perception about police interviewing at this historical time. Finally the primary improvements that have been done, such as PACE and Circulars 7 and 22. Miscarriages of Justice When the term miscarriages of justice is used, it usually refers to what are called questionable convictions or wrongful convictions. Walker (1999: 52-5) summarises the causes of questionable convictions which are: fabrication of evidence, unreliable identification of an offender by the police or witnesses, unreliable expert evidence, unreliable confessions resulting from police pressure or the vulnerability of suspects, non disclosure of evidence by the police or prosecution, the conduct of the trial and problems associated with appeals procedures. However, the term miscarriages of justice as relating to questionable convictions is itself partly adequate (Adler and Gray, 2010). Consequently, the term can also occur when there is no action, inaction or questionable actions, whereby an offence has taken place but no action or insufficient action or interference has followed. Questionable actions include police unprofessional conduct and lack of ability (e.g, failures to investigate ef fectively, poor treatment of victims and their family), insufficient prosecution processes (poor communication with police, risk avoidance ), and problematic trial practices (hostile cross examination of witness, weak presentation of the prosecution case). Therefore, questionable actions represent police failure to identify suspects and to press charges, the lack of success of the prosecution to mount a case, the collapse of the prosecution case during the trial and as a result, agencies ineffectiveness to inform or support victims and their families (Newburn, Williamson and Wright, 2007). Traditionally, the primary aim of police investigators has been to obtain a confession from the primary suspect, the confession being seen by officers to be the key of a successful investigation and the predominant means by which a conviction can be secured. To understand why a confession was so pivotal concern it is essential to consider the operation of various systems of justice. In an adversarial system, the judge is considered to be neutral during the trial process and should leave the presentation of the case to the prosecution and defence who prepare their case, call and examine witnesses. According to Zander (1994), the adversarial system is not a search for the truth. The inquisitorial system aim to be a search for the truth, in this system the judge is not neutral but will play critical role in the presentation of the evidence at the trial. The Judge calls and examines the defendant and the witness. While the trial is in progress lawyers for the prosecution and defence can merely ask complementary questions. The Royal Commission stated that It is important not to overstate the differences between the two systems because all adversarial systems contain inquisitorial elements and vice versa (Runciman, 1993). The court was not interested in the truth; it just had to decide whether punishment has been applied beyond all rational doubt. Therefore, it is not surprising that confession evidence had priority and investigators relied on a confession within the investigation process. Certainly, investigators focused on a confession and to attain a confession used coercive methods, allowing the investigation team to move on to the next case. False confessions lead to false convictions, thus police officers reproduced miscarriages of justice within their behaviour and interviewing tactics (Newburn, Williamson and Wright, 2007). False confessions lead to false convictions In the UK and other countries, a number of miscarriages of justice have established that false confessions occur and a large number of these are due to factors which exist within the interview context. Kassin and McNall (1991) analysed the tactics described by Inbau, Reid and Buckley (1986) which lead to false confessions; and found two categories: maximisation, where interviewers use scare tactics to intimidate a suspect believe to be guilty and minimisation, where interviewers underrate the offence seriousness and charges. Three categories of false confessions were identified by Gudjonsson and MacKeith (1988) and expanded by Shepherd (1996). These categories are as follows: Voluntary false confession Voluntary false confessions occur when the interviewee falsely confesses for personal reason without pressure. Possible reasons that suspect give false confession are: to exempt feelings of guilt about a real or imagined crime or situation in the past (this is most possible to happen for people with depression, Gudjonsson, 1992). To pre-empt further investigation of a more serious offence; to cover up the real culprit; to gain notoriety- a wish to become infamous and to enhance ones self esteem; an inability to distinguish reality from imagination(people with schizophrenia); to take a revenge on another and to hide other non criminal actions. Coerced-compliant false confession Coerced-compliant false confessions arise when the interviewee agrees to make a confession in order to make some kind of gain. This category of false confession occur from social influence factor; compliance. Compliance is a change in ones behaviour for contributory purposes, it is first found in Aschs (1956) primary studies of conformity and Milgrams (1974) research on obedience to authority. Interviewee sees the short term advantages of confessing (being released) outweighing the long term costs (such as prosecution and imprisonment). People, who are passable to compliance such as people with learning disabilities, may be especially vulnerable to this type of false confession. Coerced-internalised false confession The last category is a coerced-internalised false confession in such cases suspects come to believe that they are guilty because they no longer trust their own memory of certain details. This type of false confession derives from a cognitive effect and refers to the internal acceptance of beliefs held by others. An interviewee who is anxious, tired and confused actually comes to believe he or she committed the crime. The suspects memory may be altered in interviewing process. This can be linked to the false memory syndrome. The memory distrust syndrome concerns interviewees who distrust their own memory and consequently depend on external guide for information (in this particular situation -interviewer, Wolchover Heaton-Amstrong, 1996). This syndrome can be explained in two ways. The first relates to amnesia or memory damage. The interviewee has no clear memory and does not remember if he committed the crime or not. Also he or she does not remember what exactly happened the time of the crime. This may be due to amnesia or alcohol induced memory problems. The second way occurs when the interviewee is aware that he or she did not commit the crime and when the interviewer makes cases, manipulates the interviewee with suggestions. The suspect mistrusts his or her self and start thinking if he or she committed the crime. Ofshe (1989), stated that three common personality characteristics are situated on people who give this type of false confessions. They trust in people of authority, lack of self confidence and heightened suggestibility. Gudjonsson (1997) also argued, the false belief and false memories in cases of coerced- internalised false confession are most commonly developed as a result of manipulative interviewing techniques. Gudjonsson and Clark (1986) also introduced the theory of suggestibility which is a theoretical model of interrogative suggestibility and arises from a social cognitive viewpoint. It is argued, that most people would be susceptible to suggestions if the necessary conditions of uncertainty, interpersonal trust and heightened expectations are present. Implicit in such a model is the assumption that interrogative suggestibility is a distinct type of suggestibility. Gudjonsson also points out that; suggestibility is, to a certain extent, influenced by situational factors and experience. IS is defined as the extent to which, within a closed social interaction, people come to accept messages communicated during formal questioning, as a result of which their su bsequent behavioural response is affected (Gudjonsson and Clark, 1986). The IS is comprise two separate susceptibilities: to yield to leading questions, where yielding regards to the reliability of testimony and closely reflects memory processes; and to shift the primary answer in response to negative feedback, where shifting is related to coping process which are mainly affected by personality traits and experience (convicted in past, Gudjonsson, 1992). The literature on miscarriages of justice highlights the role of coercion in obtaining confessions and the problem with convictions based only or mainly on confessions. Using unfair means and tactics to secure a conviction is sometimes known as noble cause corruption. That is to say, so strong is the desire to achieve a correct conviction that any means to that end are justified. The adversarial process combined with the pressure for a quick result creates noble cause corruption. Resounding examples are Guildford Four and Birmingham Six, which have been described in newspapers as the worst miscarriages of justice in England in the last century. The Guildford four took palce on 5 October 1974, in which members of the Irish Republican Army planted bombs in two public houses in Guildford, Surrey: the Horse Groom and the Seven Stars. The attacks left five people killed and over 100 injured. Kennedy (1989) describes how Conlon, came to sign his confession and what previously happened. Pol ice officers were violent and immoral. As Conlon stated I was crying and frightened. Simmons said if I didnt make a statement, he would ring Belfast first thing in the morning and I would never see my mother or sister again. The last of my resistance shattered when he said this. I was crying and shaking uncontrollably. I said my family hadnt done anything. I fell apart. Simmons said what happened to my family was up to me. I said I would make a statement like they wanted, but it wouldnt be true as I really didnt do it (Kennedy, 1989). The four men spent 15 years in prison before the case was overturned in 1989 after a new police investigation had found serious flaws in the way Surrey police noted the confessions of the four: that the notes taken were not written up immediately and officers may have colluded in the wording of the statements (Gudjonsson, 2003). Another event happened as it was called The Birmingham Six, after one month when Guildford four took place, namely on 21 Nove mber 1974. Two public houses In Birmingham were bombed by the IRA in which 21 people were killed and more than 160 were injured. Six men were convicted for this crime and they were released after 16 years (in 1991) Scientists admitted in court that forensic tests which were originally said to confirm two of the six had been handling explosives could have produced the same results from handling cigarettes (Gudjonsson,2003). In Guildford four, the confessions that had been central of their conviction in 1975 were shown to be unreliable and in, sometimes fabricated. In the second case, Birmingham Six, the confession was discredited. Thomas Heron, who was on trial for the murder of a young girl, was acquitted when the interviews, which led to his confession, were dismissed by the trial judge as oppressive. In this case interviews were recorded in compare of Guildford Four and Birmingham Six in which the interviews were not recorded. The Police Studies Institute Report found (1983) that the most widespread opinion about police interviewing and the most popular police misconduct is that police officers threatening and the use of unfair pressure. Around fifty percent of the respondents believed that police use threats and pressure at least sometimes but the more important is twenty five percent thought that it often happens and this was a usual behaviour of police officers. A de facto percentage of Londoners believed that other kinds of misconduct happened at least once in a while. Around ten percent of Londoners thought police officers fabricate evidence and use inexcusable violence on people were detained at police stations. The findings of this research showed the public perception which was negative and critical against police. . The majority of Londoners had serious doubt about police conduct. People did not trust police interviewing, it showed that there was a complete lack of confidence and reliability (Smit h 1983: 325). One third of young white people thought the police often used threats or unreasonable pressure during custodial questioning while 62 per cent of young people of West Indian descent believed that they did so. Therefore, people were critical of police where they had a high degree of conduct with the police or they were subject to a high level of victimisation (Jones et al, 1986). The successful appeals of Guildford Four and Birmingham Six and the acquittal of Heron received widespread publicity and brought heavy criticism of the police and affected public opinion. A general public survey found that 73 per cent of the participants believed that the police broke the rules to obtain convictions (Williamson, 1991). By 1993 police interviews were described as a grave concern (Shepherd 1993). These surveys provide a rich picture of the nature and quality of the relationship between the citizen and the police in the past (Williamson, 2005). By the 1970s and 1980s in England and Wales it was clear that the legitimacy of the criminal justice system was at stake. Something had to be done. This became the focus of policy making. Such were the concerns that the Royal Commission on Criminal Procedure (1981) was set up, in turn leading to the passing in 1984 of the Police and Criminal Evidence Act (PACE) a key piece of legislation to monitor, amongst other things, the integrity of evidence production (Maguire, 2003) Through PACE (enacted 1986), police interviews with suspects were to be tape-recorded. This, it was hoped, meant the old regime of police investigations would be brought to an end and police interviews should be open to scrutiny (Lea, 2004). PACE suggested that investigation should separate from prosecution and should have an independent investigation service. Scientists with educational background should work in these laboratories and help the police to investigations and police officers had to be trained. All pol ice manuals are based on experience rather than objective and scientific data. Experience is invaluable to police work and its usefulness is illustrated by the effectiveness of the techniques recommended. However, relying solely upon experience in determining procedure may create serious pitfalls and fail to bring to light important facts about human behaviour, such as the susceptibility of some suspects to give erroneous information when placed under interviewing pressure. What is needed is more research into the effectiveness and pitfalls of different interviewing techniques. Also they argued that forensic laboratories should be independent from police. Home Office Circular 22/1992 provides the following seven principles of investigative interviewing: 1. The role of investigative interviewing is to obtain accurate and reliable information from suspects, witnesses or victims in order to discover the truth about matters under police investigation. 2. Investigative interviewing should be approached with an open mind. Information obtained from the person who is being interviewed should always be tested against what the interviewing officer already knows or what can reasonably be established. 3. When questioning anyone a police officer must act fairly in the circumstances of each individual case. 4. The police interviewer is not bound to accept the first answer given. Questioning is not unfair merely because it is persistent. 5. Even when the right to silence is exercised by a suspect the police still have a right to put questions. 6. When conducting an interview, police officers are free to ask questions in order to establish the truth; except for interviews with child victims of sexual or violent abuse which are to be used in criminal proceedings, they are not constrained by the rules applied to lawyers in court. 7. Vulnerable people, whether victims, witnesses or suspects, must be treated with particular consideration at all times. Questioning also may be considered oppressive if the officer asks: multiple questions (i.e. several questions rolled into one); ambiguous questions (i.e. where the potential answers have more than one meaning); irrelevant questions (i.e. questions which have no logical connection with the police enquiry); questions concerning other offences; hypothetical questions; questions based on dubious or non-existent evidence; questions concerning a co-suspect. (Home Office Circular 22/1992) The effectiveness of Pace is debatable, on the one hand McConville and colleagues suggested in 1991 that little of police interviews had changed especially in relation to interrogative suggestibility. Namely, the tape recording of interviews had not changed the power relations in the whole interview process, principally the fact that Interrogation takes place in an environment which increases the vulnerability of the suspect and maximises the authority and control of the police (1991, p78). On the other hand, Ede and Shepherd (2000, p109) stated that tape recording of PACE interviews led to a sharp decline in forceful interviewing and revealed the widespread ineptitude of police officers in the interviewing role In the same concept Milne and Bull (2003) report experience officers views. Since the 1986 introduction of PACE regarding audio-taping interviews with suspects, police interviews have become better planned, more structured, and the use of trickery and deceit has all but vanis hed (p121) . PACE appears to have markedly reduced the number of manipulative and persuasive techniques that police officers use when interrogating suspects, except perhaps in the most serious cases (Milne and Bull, 1999). Interestingly, there appears to have been no overall effects on the confession rate of suspects. The reason that police interviewing was still poor (Baldwin, 1992) was because of police role in the investigation of offences was still one of persuading suspects to confess rather than engaging in a process of inquiry, which was a search for the truth. The persistence on confession evidence also meant that witness and victims were often ignored, not seen as an important part of the investigation process, consequently were not interviewed methodically and so were not capable to present all the information they were competent of giving as evidence (Adler and Grey, 2010). Obviously, there was a need for a change of investigative interviewing to meet the ideals of the new legislation and to prevent challenges to the evidence achieved through questioning. This constituted in the establishment of a national committee on investigative interviewing that involved police officers, lawyers and psychologists. That result was the beginning of the PEACE interviewing model (Milne et al, 2007).

Lundie Conservation Area Analysis

Lundie Conservation Area Analysis Introduction The purpose of this document is to identify the character and appearance of the Lundie conservation area and also to define special qualities of architectural and historic interest. This document is seeking to find out if the area merits being considered as a Conservation Area and the protection it merits. This information will be used to manage change in the Conservation area to ensure its preservation or enhancement. The character analysis in this document, together with Angus Council’s Development Plan and Advice Notes that relate to development in conservation areas, will inform the assessments of development proposals and other changes against the impact on the character or appearance as stated in the Planning Act, 1997 under the Listed Buildings and Conservation Areas. There are major parts of the character and appearance of Lundie that cannot be overlooked that, they need to be stated as guidelines for designers and developers to conform to. Character appraisals provide the opportunity to inform residents about the special needs and characteristics of the area and help developers identify and formulate development proposals. 1.1 Purpose of the Guidance This appraisal will be a tool which be used to control and manage and also help to point out the special interest and also be abreast with the changes in the area. It serves as supplementary planning guidance to the Angus area council. The design guidance established will aid the assessment of development proposals. 1.2 Objectives of the Guidance The character appraisal will; Provide background information regarding the historical and architectural interest of Lundie, in particular the conservation area Review the existing conservation area Help local authorities to develop a management plan for the conservation area by analysing what is positive and negative, and identify opportunities for beneficial change or the need for additional protection and restraint. 1.3 Methodology Visual Analysis and Art-Historical Analysis was used in this document to appraise the character of Lundie conservation area. Aesthetic, Perceptive and Phenomenological Analysis was used as the basis for the general Visual analysis. It, thus, is an attempt to relate judgment from visual analysis through what was experienced with my eyes by moving through the conservation area, navigating my way from one place to another by identifying landmarks and also by looking at the emotional and conceptual connections co notated through the ‘meaning’ of the place and ‘structure’ of the place to the particular assessment criteria such as scenic beauty, what makes the place deserve the status of a conservational area, architectural interests, archaeological interests and community historic preference. The main purpose of this kind of study is to identify, measure, and evaluate the characteristics or qualities of Lundie Conservation area. Art-Historical Analysis was also u sed to analyse historical and monumental interests in the area by recording the historical, archaeological and architectural character. Existing literature on Lundie conservation area was also consulted. Though realising the fact that analysis by aesthetic qualities is very personal, depending highly on the individual’s taste and socializing experiences, using the other forms of analysis mentioned above which in is not subjective but to some extent objective, helped to achieve a balanced character appraisal. 1.4 Location and Setting Lundie is a parish and small hamlet in Angus, Scotland, 10 miles (16km) northwest of Dundee, situated at the head of the Dighty valley in the Sidlaws, off the A923 Dundee to Coupar Angus road. In 1882-4, Frances Groomes Ordnance Gazetteer of Scotland described Lundie like this, â€Å"Lundie, a village and a parish of SW Forfarshire. The village stands 3 miles WSW of Auchterhouse station, 6 ESE of Coupar-Angus, and 9 NW by W of Dundee, under which it has a post office. The parish is bounded N by Newtyle, E by Auchterhouse, S by Fowlis-Easter in Perthshire, and W by Kettins. Its utmost length, from W by N to E by S, is 4 miles; its utmost breadth is 3 miles; and its area is 4296  ¼ acres, of which 1075/6 are water†. 1.5 Reason for Designation This is an area of special architectural or historic interest, the character or appearance of which it is desirable to preserve or enhance. The Conservation Area will consist of the whole village of Lundie, including: — The Manse, Smithy Cottage, Gamekeepers Cottage, (The Edinburgh Gazette 27 September 1991). Lundie has significant architectural and historic interest as. The Lundie parish church which was dedicated to St Lawrence was once the property of the priory of St Andrews. Inside the church is a War memorial plaque commemorating parishioners who died in World War 1. Preserving and enhancing these key features led to the designation of the whole village of Lundie as a Conservation Area in 1991. 1.6 Lundie Conservation Area and The Conservation Area Boundary Lundie Conservation Area was designated on 8th of July, 1991 (The Edinburgh Gazette 27 September 1991) and an Article 4 put in place on the 16th of September, 1992. (The Edinburgh Gazette 20 October 1992) Using the Church as the pivot, the conservation area encompasses the main Lundie village where most of the properties are. It starts from the Smitty Cottage on the north-western side, goes around the Sawmill Cottage on the north then down to Kirkton FarM Cottage. It continues down to the Old School all the way to Oaksydix building on the south-eastern side, then around the Lundie Mill and goes up along the road to Rowanholme building. It then goes down along the road on the left towards the Manse building to the south. It then goes up north to the Well and then extends to the right towards the Village Hall past the Pump to Smitty Cottage. 1.7 Conservation Areas More than 600 conservation areas are in Scotland and of this, 19 are under the Angus Council. Conservation areas can be said to be places within or the entire village, town or city which contain areas of special historic or architectural character which needs protection or enhancement. They are designated by planning authority as being areas of special architectural or historic interest, the character or appearance of which they have the desire to preserve or enhance. These interests create the character of an area and any new development should be carefully assessed to ensure that it if permitted, will blend into the character of the area and not cause a blight on the character of the area. Designating a conservation area should not be seen as prohibiting change but as a means to carefully manage change to ensure the character and appearance of these areas are safeguarded and enhanced for the enjoyment and benefit of future generations. The public are consulted on any proposals to d esignate conservation areas or change their boundaries. The management of conservation areas is under the management of the local authority it falls under. 1.8 The Legal and Policy Framework Conservation areas identification can be traced back to the coming into force of the Civic Amenities Act, 1967. The government BY then recognised how important it was to protect areas in totality as against individual buildings, from indiscriminate developments and wide scale demolition of buildings in areas selected for slum clearances. Therefore, while individual buildings of special or unique characteristics may be of important, what should be considered is the group value of the buildings in the area, the buildings orientation, street design, public space and greenery which all contribute to the character and identity of a place. Considering it carefully, these same factors make up or come together to form the character of a conservation area. This 1967 law is now one way or the other replicated in The Town and Country Planning Act, 1990 and The Planning (Listed Buildings and Conservation Areas) Act of 1990. The Planning Act of 1990 empowers local planning authorities to review a lready existing conservation areas within their jurisdiction, designating new areas and coming up with character appraisal or place analysis and management plan proposals for the protection, preservation and enhancement of these conservation areas. Consent is required from the appropriate authority for any activity that is going to change or in any way affect the character of the area. The character or appearance of a conservation area through the demolition of a building and/or the construction of a new building can be significantly altered and lose some of the justification for its designation. 1.9 Conservation Areas in Angus There are currently 19 Conservation Areas in Angus of which Lundie Conservation Area is part of and six of them including Lundie conservation area have Article 4 Directions on them. The Article 4 Directions are further ways of making sure that these conservation areas maintain their character and uniqueness. There are additional laws that control the way in which buildings can be altered and planning permission is needed if such alterations are deemed to affect the character of the conservation area and trees in conservation areas are no exception. Angus Council is committed to preparing character appraisals for all the conservation areas under it and in addition it also publishes guidance on matters affecting these conservation areas. A planning application which is seen to have the potential to disrupt the character of a Conservation Area must be published in the local press and a notice posted near the site. Angus Council must then give a 21 day period for objections and comments to be put across before considering the application.

Kant Essay -- essays research papers

  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Utilitarianism is a consequential perspective, in that, a decision in based on the effects it ----will have on society and what it will generally lead to. Also, the utility or usefulness of an action is determined by the amount of happiness that will result. Therefore, no action in itself can be deemed wrong; consequence alone are the important matter. Using this principle, one should consider the possible results of each potential action.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  One clear flaw of the utilitarian perspective is there that there seems to be a lack of the concept of justice. Their moral principles would justify doing experiments on a single man with no friends or family. The justification would still exist in a case in which the experiments would cause a man to die, yet benefits occurred because substantial medical knowledge was obtained. There also seems to be no intrinsic value placed upon human life, yet the value is placed upon the happiness of the greatest of people.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚     Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Utilitarianism follows one of two categories; act and rule. With Act Utilitarianism, all possible actions are considered and one must determine which action would yield the most happiness or benefits for the greatest number of people. However, with act utilitarianism, there really is no way of determining if the right choice of actions was carried out. Also, there is no clear way to be certain on what the results of the actions will be. For example, there is no way to be sure that a severely impaired infant will not recover enough to live a better life that what was predicted.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  However, acting morally doesn’t mean acting omniscient. A reasonable effort must be made to get relevant data to predict the possible consequences of all actions involved.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Another form of utilitarianism would be rule utilitarianism. This moral standard suggest that an action is right if it follows a specific rule that has been structured and validated while keeping the principle of utility in mind. A rule utilitarian would not concern themselves with the utility of specific or individual cases, but would follow a set of particular rules. One would not have to go through the process of calculations involved in determining maximum utility, but a particular rule would... ...th Ross’ ethics.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Even in the case involving Alice Nuvo and her not wanting treatment my moral intuition came into play. Under most circumstances, my position is strictly to say that human life can never be allowed to pass if there is a reasonable means of preserving it. However, there can be no rules for me to follow because I find exceptions to this, and the case of Alice Nuvo would be such a case. I ruled that her autonomy surpasses any medical judgment. If she wants to be allowed to live out her life with her family and inevitably die, it should be her choice. Especially in a case such as this, I really have no way of reviewing my actions and seeing what rules I followed or what past cases I referred to. Once again, my moral intuition lead me to decide for her autonomy. However, moral intuition does not instantly occur when deciding on a case. There must be careful review of every aspect, action, and possible consequences before your moral intuition can decide upon anything. Af ter reviewing my decision scenarios, and taking into account the beliefs of utilitarianism, Kant’s ethics, and Ross’ ethics, I. without a doubt, that I am a follower of Ross.

Makioka Sisters & Pedro Paramo :: Free Essay Writer

Makioka Sisters & Pedro Paramo Though the two books, The Makioka Sisters and Pedro Paramo appear to be a part of two entirely separate worlds, some connections can be seen throughout the works. Junichiro Tanizaki uses The Makioka Sisters to tell the tale of four beautiful sisters who’s lives are encompassed by a world of tradition and propriety. While at the same time Juan Rulfo’s Pedro Paramo is exploring these same ideas of obligation and in the best term, formalities. This is the key to these two works, formalities. Each culture and time is experiencing pressures and obligations due to the characters’ belief in observing formalities and traditions. Both books open to a dilemma that plagues the characters and can be tied back to the observation of formalities. The Makioka family is desperately seeking a husband for the third sister, Yukiko. Sachiko explains â€Å"In†¦hopes of finding Yukiko a worthy husband, they had refused the proposals that in earlier years had showered upon them. Not one seemed quite what they wanted† (9). This prestigious Osaka family presumes that they must adhere to every formality to its highest degree in order to uphold their reputation and honor. A suitor has yet to meet what they believe must be their standards. The head of the family, Tatsuo has been displeased with the men that have sought Yukiko’s hand, he believes that the â€Å"old and once-important family† cannot afford to take in a man who might humble or disgrace â€Å"the dignity of the Makioka name† (8). The family is weaving itself into a web of pain and humiliation through their insistence to comply with t he precedence of exalting and sheltering the Makioka name at any cost, even that of love and happiness. Juan Preciado is also being thrust into a dilemma when he makes attempts to follow through with empty civilities. Rulfo opens this story with Preciado traveling to the small, desolate village of Comala. After the death of Preciado’s mother, he decides to uphold the promise he made to her by visiting his estranged father, Pedro Paramo, whom he never knew. Preciado admits, â€Å"I didn’t intend to keep my promise. But then I began to think about what she told me, until I couldn’t stop thinking and even dreaming about it, and building a whole world around that Pedro Paramo. That’s why I came to Comala† (1). Preciado is brought to this insufferable village because of an empty promise that he made to his dying mother.

Kuona, An African Perspective on Religions: J.N.K. Mugambis Contributi

Kuona, An African Perspective on Religions: J.N.K. Mugambi's Contribution ABSTRACT: Kuona is a Shona (one of Zimbabwe’s major languages) verb meaning "to see." In poetic constructions, it is often used as an ocular metaphor meaning insight or understanding. This ocular metaphor can be used to describe Mugambi’s assessment of the exclusivistic claims one often encounters in the Abrahamic religions. Such claims often arise from a strongly held belief that the adherent is one of God’s chosen. Mugambi has emerged as one of the most articulate philosophical theologians in the African continent. His reflections, ubiquitous in classrooms on the continent, deserve a much broader audience. My paper seeks to introduce Mugambi’s perspective on religion. Part of Mugambi’s project has been to make an assessment of this notion of chosenness in the Abrahamic religions. He does so particularly with reference to the relationship between Christianity and the African religious heritage. Kuona is a Shona (one of Zimbabwe's major languages) verb meaning to see. In poetic constructions it is often used as an ocular metaphor meaning insight or understanding. This ocular metaphor, it seems to me, can be used to describe Mugambi's assessment of the exclusivistic claims one often encounters in the Abrahamic religions. "Only those who believe as we do have any hope of an eternity with God." "We are the ones destined or predestined for heaven." These and such claims often arise from a strongly held belief that the adherent is one of God's chosen ones. Part of Mugambi's project has been to make an assessment of this notion of chosenness in the Abrahamic religions. He does so particularly with reference to the relationship between Christianity and the... ...on mark on the Mosaic religions, Mugambi proceeds to suggest that other religious traditions may be propounding perspectives closer to the divine ideal. He assesses he religions of the Orient — especially Buddhism — as being immensely tolerant and respectful of the humanity and integrity of others. The African religious heritage, he finds to be also inclusive rather than exclusive. Realizing that his challenge is bound to evoke a charge of Universalism on the part of many evangelical Christians in the North Atlantic areas, Mugambi contends that his insights are not such as to bring shame on those who accept them. He declares that when Christians of non-EuroAmerican cultures seek a synthesis of the Christian faith with their own heritage, a charge of universalism may after all turn out to be a virtue rather than a vice. In the final analysis God is the final arbiter.

South Korean Pest

Moreover, President Lee is a strong devotee of free trade agreements (Fats) between foreign countries, and South Korea now has Fats with the European Union, the united States of America, and the SEAN countries. The current president Implemented new legislation to make South Korea more attractive for foreign investors. It will, for example, lower corporate tax rates and reduce administrative restrictions on business operations and investment. Furthermore, South Korea has a number of incentives to make foreign investment more at-attractive. These incentives are: Tax support, Cash grant, Site location support, and other sup-port. A.Tax support When foreign companies meet certain requirements, Income and corporate tax from earned Income, business Income, dividend Income, technology payments and custom du-titles on capital goods can be either reduced or be subject to dispensation In accordance with the Restriction of Special Taxation Act. B. Cash grant When a foreign investor meets certai n criteria, local and/or national government can offer a cash grant when the investor wants to build a new plant for example. These criteria are e. G. The creation of jobs, the location of the new plant, if the investment intervenes with lo-cal investment etc. C. Site locationSouth Korea provides so called Free Investment Zones (Fizz). These are to attract foreign Investors/companies. There are two types of Fizz: Complex and Individual. The complex type Is for small and medium sized firm wear as the individual type Is for large corpora-tools with large Investments. The requirements are to be found In the appendices. When a foreign company purchases or leases a piece of land or real-estate owned by the gob-ornament of South Korea, the company can apply for reduction or dispensation of the rental payment. However, the company must meet certain criteria. These are also to be found in the appendices.